National Interest

by Derek Grossman

    The US-Thailand relationship should not remain wedded solely to military cooperation.

    Since he returned to office, President Donald Trump has visited Southeast Asia only once and he went to Malaysia for the ASEAN summit Kuala Lumpur hosted last year. But while on the ground, he inked multiple deals with various ASEAN members, including US security ally Thailand, to shore up US interests amid intensifying strategic competition with China.

    Both nations agreed to collaborate on critical minerals supply chains and to promote investment in their respective economies. Yet, this agreement received relatively little attention, overshadowed by Trump’s prominent role in announcing the Thailand-Cambodia peace agreement, which brought a temporary end to months of escalating border hostilities.

    The good news is that the Trump administration has already taken the initial steps—through the critical minerals and investment deal—to forge a stronger alliance with Thailand. This is particularly important amid recent uncertainties about whether the allies still share a common strategic outlook and how their security and economic cooperation should evolve in response. Moreover, Bangkok has signaled an eagerness to advance negotiations with the United States, especially on trade frictions.

    One area that is ripe for consideration is the energy front. Thailand’s rapidly growing economy, expanding industrial base and ambitions to become a regional hub for artificial intelligence and digital infrastructure are driving a sharp increase in electricity demand. Domestic natural gas production in the Gulf of Thailand has gradually declined, forcing Bangkok to rely more heavily on imported liquefied natural gas (LNG) to meet its energy needs. This presents a natural opportunity for the United States.

    As one of the world’s leading LNG exporters, the United States is well positioned to help diversify Thailand’s energy supplies while strengthening the country’s long-term energy security. Expanding US LNG exports, supporting gas infrastructure and encouraging greater private-sector investment would provide Thailand with reliable energy while simultaneously advancing Washington’s broader objective of becoming the Indo-Pacific’s preferred economic partner.

    Energy cooperation would also reinforce the strategic foundations of the US-Thailand alliance. Reliable and affordable power is increasingly a prerequisite for attracting investment in advanced manufacturing, semiconductor production, cloud computing and AI data centers—all sectors that have become central to US-China technological competition.

    China has steadily expanded its economic footprint in Thailand through infrastructure, digital technologies and industrial investment, making it all the more important for Washington to demonstrate that it can offer tangible economic benefits beyond security cooperation. By making energy a central pillar of the bilateral relationship, the Trump administration would not only help meet Thailand’s growing development needs but also deepen American commercial influence in one of mainland Southeast Asia’s most important economies.

    To this end, the Trump administration should capitalize on an upcoming high-level engagement. This September, Bangkok will host the annual Gastech conference, one of the world’s premier energy gatherings, bringing together senior government officials and industry leaders to discuss natural gas, LNG, hydrogen and the future of global energy. The administration has signaled that it may send a senior representative—potentially Secretary of Energy Chris Wright—to the event. Whether or not a formal agreement is reached, the conference presents an ideal opportunity to begin laying the groundwork for a more comprehensive US-Thailand energy partnership.

    The timing could hardly be better. Although the recent US-Iran conflict may subside and shipping through the Strait of Hormuz may resume by September, the episode ruthlessly exposed Thailand’s continued dependence on imported energy and its vulnerabilities associated with global supply disruptions. Strengthening bilateral cooperation on LNG, energy infrastructure and long-term energy security would not only help Thailand diversify its energy sources but also reinforce America’s strategic and economic position in mainland Southeast Asia.

    To be sure, the US-Thailand alliance remains durable. Annual Cobra Gold joint military exercises continue, military cooperation remains robust and both governments have reaffirmed their commitment to the partnership. But alliances cannot thrive on security cooperation alone. As China expands its economic footprint across mainland Southeast Asia, Washington must demonstrate that it can also be Thailand’s partner of choice for trade, investment and energy security.

    Trump has already claimed credit for helping preserve peace along the Thai-Cambodian border. The more consequential challenge now is ensuring that America remains an indispensable economic partner to one of Southeast Asia’s most important countries. If senior US officials arrive in Bangkok this September prepared to advance concrete energy cooperation rather than simply attend another international conference, they will have an opportunity to build on the administration’s critical minerals initiative and leave behind something far more enduring than a diplomatic headline.